The Invention of Hebrew
By
Seth L. Sanders
Reviewed by
Kevin L. Barney
On
2/4/2010
University of Illinois Press, 2009
Hardback:
258 pages
ISBN-10: 0-252-03284-5
ISBN-13: 978-0-252-03284-4
Price: $50.00
(Editor's note: we welcome, and are grateful, that Kevin was willing to
do a review of this volume. He brings a world of knowledge and insight
to the table. Thanks, Kevin, for taking the time to do this.)
The Invention of Hebrew is the fifth and latest volume in the series
"Traditions", edited by Gregory Nagy, which is devoted to major
scholarly works on the "Old World" from which contemporary Western
traditions arose. Prior works in this series are Baby and Child Heroes
in Ancient Greece, C.P. Cavafy: The Economics of Metonymy, Homer's
Text and Language, and Indo-European Sacred Space: Vedic and Roman
Cult. The author of the volume under review, Seth L. Sanders, received
his Ph.D. from Johns Hopkins University in 1999 and is presently an
assistant professor of religion at Trinity College in Hartford,
Connecticut. He serves as the editor of the Journal of Ancient Near
Eastern Religions.
This is Sanders' first published book, and its thesis is essentially
that Hebrew was the first successful vernacular literature, which helped
create ancient Israel and the Bible as both historical and imaginative
possibilities.
Between front and back matter the book consists of four chapters. The
first, titled "Modernity's Ghosts: The Bible as Political
Communication," begins by describing the developing sense of modernity
and the contrast of such with the non-modern. The problems and
potentials of biblical studies are often traced only back to the
monumental work of such 19th century German scholars as W.M.L. de Wette
and Julius Wellhausen, but what they accomplished would not have been
possible without earlier seismic shifts in how we view scripture. The
Bible long had been the supreme textual warrant for both church and
king, a situation which early modern political philosophers like Thomas
Hobbes and Baruch Spinoza attacked with their devastating critiques of
the Bible. They demonstrated that the texts cannot be rationally seen
as having inherent authority in and of themselves, that they speak to
their own times, but not to the current age. This paved the way for
such men as Bishop Robert Lowth and Johann Gottfried Herder, forebears
to what would become modern biblical scholarship, which examines the
Bible rigorously, but usually quite apart from the political concerns of
contemporary society. We have reached a point in scholarship where it
is now possible, combining the insights of political theorists,
anthropologists and philologists, to examine the political communication
inherent in early Hebrew writing, and to see therein a new form of
self-representation.
The second chapter is titled "What Was the Alphabet For?" and focuses on
the rise of written vernaculars. To us today it seem natural that
French people should read and write French, and German people German,
and so forth. But this was not the situation in the Ancient Near East.
People spoke Hebrew for a long time before it ever occurred to anyone
to try to write it down. Communication in the second millennium B.C.E.
was dominated by classical Mesopotamian syllabic cuneiform, which
generally was only learned by scribes sponsored by the state. The
linear alphabet existed during this time, at first used by soldiers for
graffiti in desolate, out of the way places. We tend to think of the
alphabet as technologically superior and of its eventual rise as
inevitable, but this was not the case. The first alphabetic
vernacular--Ugaritic--arose due to specific state sponsorship. The
later rise of linear alphabets in the Levant was linked with political
efforts. Alphabetic vernaculars opened up new possibilities of more
widely-spread participation, as illustrated by ritual texts that assume
the people--not just the subjects of the king, but imagined as agents in
their own right--as a central protagonist. Vernaculars such as Hebrew
originated as political communication in which power flows from the
ability to recruit kin-based groups of people into relationships, thus
breaking the monopoly of the state in writing and communication.
The third chapter is titled "Empires and Alphabets in Late Bronze Age
Canaan." This chapter tells the story of two different worlds that
existed side by side. The world of political prestige was that of
imperial syllabic writing (mostly Babylonian cuneiform), used as a tool
of bureaucracy for administration and control of large areas of land,
people and objects. In contrast alphabetic texts were much more humble,
and almost always simply related to the object on which they were
inscribed, with scarcely a complete sentence among them. But neither
form of writing deliberately or consistently represented any one
language, nor spoke to a public. Sanders' focus in this chapter is on
the epigraphic evidence, a wise choice that largely allows him to avoid
the thorny issues entailed in trying to date biblical texts and unwind
them from their later editing. A major example he discusses is the
Amarna Letters--reflecting communication networks among political
entities. In the Levant, these letters reflect a local West Semitic
influence, sometimes called Canaano-Akkadian. The movement from the
prestigious East Semitic cuneiform texts to West Semitic alphabetical
ones did not reflect an easy or simply evolution. The late Iron Age
vernaculars such as Hebrew that arose in the Levant were the result of
the intersection of these two textual worlds. The first tentative
meeting of these writing systems was at Ugarit in 13th century Syria,
where cuneiform symbols were used to represent an alphabetic writing system.
The fourth and final chapter is titled "The Invention of Hebrew in Iron
Age Israel," and details the rise of written vernaculars in the southern
Levant. These can be studied based on inscriptions that appear in
specific archaeological contexts. Such writing ushered in a new ideal
of collective participation in the texts, as opposed to their being
merely instruments of top-down sovereignty. Beginning with the twelfth
century B.C.E., Sanders goes century by century examining the
inscriptions and how they eventually gave rise to local vernacular
literatures. From arrowheads inscribed with the signature of a local
warlord, to educational abecedaries and the bureaucratically useless
Gezer Calendar, to the inscription of Mesha, king of Moab (the first
known West Semitic royal monument), to the engineering of Hebrew itself
from the ninth to the sixth centuries B.C.E., Sanders traces the rise of
non-monarchic writing in Israel. The Siloam Inscription well
illustrates the movement from a presentation of the king to a
presentation of the text itself as such. Prophetic monuments show how
individuals other than the king were able to communicate directly with
the people.
I will admit that the political philosophy stuff in the first chapter
was a bit of a grind for me to work my way through, but once I got past
that point (rather like surviving Second Nephi, I suppose) I quite
enjoyed the book. Sanders has taken existing knowledge and looked at it
comprehensively from an entirely new angle, and thus has provided
substantial insights into our understanding of the background making the
Hebrew Bible possible as a text.
Although the book does not have specific relevance to Mormonism, there
were a few things in which I took a personal interest viewing them
through a Mormon lens. P. 131 talks about the rise of literacy and
scribalism in Israel, and it was not based on state sponsorship as was
the case in Mesopotamia, but on more of a kinship model. People didn't
learn to write in special state-sponsored schools so much as in out of
the way places like tombs, desert shrines, way stations, palace steps,
caves. The Hebrew scribes were less like monks or clerks and more like
potters or metalworkers. Literacy travelled through trade networks
among craftsmen of various types. Craft scribalism could be turned to
the state's purposes but was not bound by it. In Israel, Late Bronze
Age sites like Taanach and Beth Shemesh, which produced no diplomatic
texts at all, attested both bronze forges and texts in local alphabetic
writing side by side. This picture put Nephi's familial and craft-based
scribalism into a realistic historical context for me.
I published an article, "How to Worship Our Mother in Heaven (Without
Getting Excommunicated)" in Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 40/4
(Winter 2008), in which I began by cataloging Old Testament allusions to
Asherah, the Canaanite mother goddess figure that was also worshiped in
Pre-Exilic Israel. So I was interested to find that on p. 31 Sanders
mentions one that I missed. Isaiah 51:9-10, following the translation
of Umberto Cassuto, reads as follows:
"Arise, arise, clothe yourself in might, Arm of the Lord! Arise as in
days of old, as in ages past! Are you not he who cut Rahab, who pierced
Tannin? Are you not he who dried up Sea, the waters of the great Deep?"
Sanders points out, contra Cassuto, that this text is actually
addressing a personified female being: "despite the translation 'he'
in English, the Hebrew uses the third-person feminine singular pronoun
and feminine singular participles in a sequence of addresses to a
personified female being." Of course, since the Hebrew noun rendered
"arm" is feminine, one could make the argument that the feminine forms
are simply used in agreement with that noun and do not countenance a
female being. But given the close parallel of this passage with
Ugaritic myth, I'm inclined to accept Sanders' reading. So here "Arm of
the Lord" is a personified female being--presumably Asherah, the mother
goddess herself.
A number of times Sanders points out that Hebrew made possible a
discourse directly aimed at the people themselves using a collective
"you." I was interested in this point given my work on the phenomenon
of enallage in the Book of Mormon. Enallage, Greek for "interchange,"
refers to various grammatical interchanges of form made intentionally
for rhetorical effect. In the classic example, the material in Exodus
is framed using second person plural pronouns, "you," but when we come
to the Ten Commandments the plural all of a sudden shifts to a singular
form of address, "thou," as if to emphasize that the commandments are
binding on each and every person as if directed to him alone. Sanders
mentions this example at p. 163. Anyone interested in reading further
about this should consult my "Enallage in the Book of Mormon," Journal
of Book of Mormon Studies 3/1 (1994), and my "Divine Discourse Directed
at a Prophet's Posterity in the Plural: Further Light on Enallage,"
Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 6/2 (1997). My studies both focused
on rhetorical shifts in number; for an example involving a rhetorical
shift in person, see David Bokovoy, "From Distance to Proximity: A
Poetic Function of Enallage in the Hebrew Bible and the Book of Mormon,"
Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 9/1 (2000).
In conclusion, I enjoyed the book and recommend it to anyone interested
in learning more about the history of writing in general and Hebrew in
particular.
Copyright
2010